About this site

This resource is hosted by the Nelson Mandela Foundation, but was compiled and authored by Padraig O’Malley. It is the product of almost two decades of research and includes analyses, chronologies, historical documents, and interviews from the apartheid and post-apartheid eras.

Mathabatha Peter Sexwale: letter of resignation from ANC


Date of Birth : 16th February 1946

Country and Place of Birth : South Africa – Pietersburg

Parents Names : Frank (Father), Godliever (Mother)

Name of Children :

1.. Mathabatha

2.. Leseja – died in combat (ANC) August 1981

3.. Mosima _ Serving 18 year at Robben Island

4.. Magirly – Member of ANC

5.. Johnny – Member of ANC

6.. Mashadi – still living with parents – Jhb. SA

Qualifications and School Record:

(a). Blessed Martins Catholic Schools – Johannesburg

(b). Orlando West High School – Johannesburg SA

(c). Vocational Training Centre – NTC 1 and NTC 2

(d). University of the Witwatersrand Tech College NTC 3 – 5

NB :  NTC = National Technical Certificate

The NTC studies were done while serving apprenticeship at the Electrical City Council of Johannesburg.

Correspondence Courses

1.. International Correspondence Schools – London

2.. Master Course in Electronic Technology – USA

The above courses were undertaken while employed in various electronic companies in the industry in Johannesburg, South Africa.

Place of Employment (in sequence) and Duties

(a). Electronic Development : Johannesburg – Laboratory work in radar, valve transmitters and crystal grindings (for transmitters) under the supervision of a German scientist.

(b). Day & Nite : Johannesburg – Experiments on transistorized transmitters during the initial introduction of transistors in South Africa.

(c). Volt Electronics : Johannesburg – Radar and transmitter service and maintenance.

(d). Integrated Electronics – Alignment and service – testing of ultra-sonic units.

(e). Minerva Fire Defence


1.. Holiday Inn : Lesotho, Swaziland, Botswana – Close circuit TV network and installations in my capacity as Service Manager, and providing on the job training for TV operators.

2.. Life Electronics – TV assembly plant – quality control and service engineer.

3.. McCarthy Construction – Factory producing pre-fabricated fibre glass low cost housing – Manager.

4.. CB Electronics – Personal Company (sole proprietor) in the following functions:

(a). Installations of TV antennas.

(b). Installations of car radios and radio alarms

(c). Alarms for houses and shops

(d). Intercommunications, and

(e). Television service and maintenance.

Above all, also as sub-contractor for the Lesotho government Electrical and Electronic Service Engineer for the following government departments:

(1). Ministry of Health

(2). Ministry of Works

(3). Ministry of Water Resources

(4). Manpower and Planning

(5). Cabinet Offices

(6). Prime Minister's Office and residences

(7). Various individual work for ministers.

5.. Radio and Watch Centre (Pty) Ltd – Electronic business which comprised of following personnel (directors):

(a). Hae Phoofolo – Governor of Lesotho Monetary Authority Director (Lesotho citizen)

(b). Mathabatha – South African (Managing Director)

(c). Gunter Barak – Austrian (German) (Director)

(d). Bill Moore – British (Director.

Political Role in the ANC


the inhuman racist, fascist Pretoria regime, were the majority, the authentic are treated as underdogs, where indignity of the black man has not only evoked resentment amongst the oppressed but has for years received outcries from the international, progressive community at large.

As early back in my teens, I was cognizant to these injustices.  My father, who is fairly read man and highly principled man, groomed us (family) on clear political perspectives. He was a member of the ANC before it was banned and as a result had comprehensive knowledge of the role and objectives of the ANC.  Hence he never stood in our way when we took full participation in the activities of the ANC.

We learned and subsequently studied the struggle of the masses in the hands of the Pretoria's oppressors, held discussions and at times vigorous debates in the analysis of our struggle.

In the final analysis we all endorsed the only solution adopted by the ANC policy of a military confrontation under its military wing Umkhonto We Sizwe.

During the 2nd World War, my father was among the many black people who enlisted in the fight against Nazism and on their return after the end of the war, were awarded for their participation, bicycles and some redundant medallions of the British imperialism.  This was a mockery!  At a later stage, 2000 matchbox cement (candle lit) houses were erected in Soweto to accommodate black ex-soldiers for hire.  This was regarded by the oppressor as a suitable resettlement.  Contrary to what was given to white ex soldiers whose conditions, by virtue of the colour of their skins, were far superior.

Generally the concentration camps, the blacks were given, unjust payments and moreover lack of political say in the country of their birth, aroused anger, and retaliation.

Therefore having experienced these atrocities in an imprisoned society, there was no way out but to fight to the bitter end, led by the vanguard organization of the people, the ANC.  The fundamental document adopted by the people, The Freedom Charter, became a programme of the people.  A document that has not only drawn immeasurable support from the oppressed, but was acclaimed by all right thinking people in the world – thus the support given to the ANC.

I functioned vigorously to uphold the principles of the ANC.  But since the organization was therefore banned, methods of operations had to be made clandestine.

I was heading, as a Commander, the recruiting machinery in Johannesburg and we established sophisticated methods to avoid detection.  The military wing of the ANC had to be strengthened at all cost!  The new recruits had to be channeled by my area both to Swaziland and Botswana where facilities would have to be created for their processing en route to our training bases abroad.

I was, at that time, already working in the industry as indicated earlier, but due to indignation and exploitations by my employers, was forced by these circumstances to seek other revenues to earn a living.

Formation of the Allrounders Musical Group

The formation of this group was initiated by myself and a blind colleague with whom I shared the same objectives (politically).  Most of the members of this group have since joined the ANC except the blind man because of his handicap.  The object and primary aims was to educate and mobilize through our music which reminded our audience of their suffering and as our music was appealing we received enormous support in the country.  It was, however, not long when the racist South Africa through the SABC caught on to our act and as a result banned our music from being broadcast throughout their media.  We also suffered serious exploitations from recording companies that were indiscriminately offering us 2 ½ cents per seven-single unlike the 15 cents offered to white musicians.  We protested but all in vain and as a result we were forced to resign from this studio (RPM) on the stipulated grounds.  Unfortunately, the name 'Allrounders' could not be used with any other recording company, as it was still tied by the unjust contract of the RPM.  We toured, however, in many parts of South Africa including neighbouring African states like Lesotho, Swaziland, Botswana and Mozambique before its independence.  We were still continuing all this time to carry out the work of the ANC because we had the cover under the auspices of the band and also the advantage of having in the group 3 blind members.  So, transporting materials from the neighbouring states to South Africa was therefore an easy task as equipment and pamphlets of the ANC could be camouflaged in the huge musical instruments we used to carry.

As coverage of our music was receiving less publicity due the lack of access to the media, we had no choice but to return back to the industry to work and do part time on our musical career.

The tempo of this struggle was picking up momentum and in 1972 I went and settled in Lesotho as a strategy by our cell and, of course, I had a legend to go there since I was married to a Lesotho National.  Constant liaising between our cell structures was maintained at all times.

The main advantage of my settlement in Lesotho cam at the time when the then Minister of Police (Jimmy Kruger), issued sketches and diagrams of routes used by the ANC to cross recruit to Swaziland.  These revelations were published in the liberal newspaper (Rand Daily Mail).  This proved that the South African Securities were now on our trails, so tactics and strategies had to be modified.  One of the new methods to be adopted was to create facilities to use the Lesotho travelling documents so that recruits are then given these passports to cross legally at both the Swazi and Botswana border controls.

Having familiarized myself with Lesotho and its people finally made it possible for this venture.  A very close colleague (Mosotho) who was employed by the Lesotho printing works, where passports were also printed, became a conduit for this expedition.  He was a great sympathizer of the ANC.

Dozens of passports, Government stamps, were now in our possession for use if need be.  He died unfortunately in 1978.  Stanley Mabizela (the presiding Tanzanian rep) was during that time based in Swaziland as a school teacher, introduced me to some two other members of the underground who were in Lesotho as the work was becoming too much and reinforcement was therefore necessary.  These were Khalaka Sello (Advocate) and Comrade Mbali, a school teacher, and also highly trained members of MK.  Sello was responsible for finance while Mbali and myself were on Operations.  The relationship was healthy and very conducive.

In 1974, Mbali was kidnapped by the South African Security but the Lesotho government fought vigorously to secure his release.  This was not the only case that the Lesotho government attended.  Meanwhile in Lesotho two other members of the ANC who trained abroad with Mbali, surfaced in Lesotho, named as follows:

1.. Chris Hani

2.. Lehlohonolo Moloi

It was with utmost regret that these three never got along well.  (Details will surface underleaf.)

I continued to work with Mbali and meanwhile the situation in SA was picking momentum.  The cell structures at the pick of 1976 student uprisings had to be dismantled for security reasons as they did tremendous revolutionary work in the country.  This was again the same cell structure which had successfully taken secretly the new Commissar of the ANC (National) out of the country after his release from Robben Island Prison.  Since invariably all these cell structures received on the job training methods of operations, had to take a decision to withdraw them from South Africa to Swaziland so that adequate training be provided for them abroad.  The machinery in Swaziland responded positively.  Meanwhile, Mosima, my younger brother, had left for military training abroad.

Towards the end of 1976 I was shocked when one of the Johannesburg machinery by the name of Inch Rwaqa surfaced in Lesotho.  He was sent to me so that I should issue him with a Lesotho passport together with other comrades.  I protested heavily that he was being over-used.  I personally drove to SA to protest about this state of affairs but all in vain.  I was told that orders from superior members was that he should continue to do work, this time as responsible for infiltrating cadres who were now going back home after completing their training.  I had no choice but to submit him with requested documents.  Among some of the MK cadres who were now being infiltrated was my younger brother Mosima Sexwale.

Inch Rwaqa was after a period of time arrested at the Swaziland border post where he had to deliver instructions from the existing combat units.  When he did not return, the combat unit sent someone else to SD and this operator reported back to them that Inch never surfaced in SD.  But unfortunately, instead of the units changing venues, they continued to stay where they were housed in Alexandra township Johannesburg, and it was with regret that the enemy caught them with their pants down and were subsequently arrested.  This led to the Pretoria 12 trial, the second ever such trial since the Rivonia trial where leaders like Mandela, Sisulu and others were convicted to life imprisonment.

Mosima was accused No. 1 and he together with his compatriots were tried for treason.  It surfaced in the racist court in Pretoria that during his re-entry into South Africa he was arrested by the SA Police but escaped by hurling a hand grenade in the car of the Police.  He, together with his comrades, did not retreat to Swaziland but proceeded to South Africa.

Inch who was responsible for their arrest and he was brutally assaulted by the SA Security.  He could not resist indefinitely and finally revealed the locations of the combat units.

He was completely broken down and it was through intimidation or could be through submission, as a result, he turned No. 1 state witness.  The accused received heavy sentences in which my brother Mosima received the highest sentence of 18 years.  I think about five comrades were acquitted.

My parents were hit below the belt and they took the whole episode as an unfortunate revolutionary incident.  I was encouraged by their strength.

The panic and excitement of Jimmy Kruger and his ………..

……….. my brother, the racist Police also arrested and detained my father.  A prompt communication was relayed to me about this event and I stayed put in Lesotho.  Should the Security have kept quiet about the whole issue, many ANC activists could have been arrested.  I was going to be apprehended at the South African border post.

During the trial, Inch the State Witness, did reveal that I was instrumental for the issue of the Lesotho passport some of them on display in the racist court as evidence.  This revelation was indeed very destructive particularly as I was residing in Lesotho and from the law point of view was a serious crime as these were conducted illegally.

The Pretoria 12 trial ended in 1977 I waited anxiously for the confrontation from the Lesotho government and it dawned on me that perhaps they were not aware of the circumstances or that they might have treated it as fabrications.  Unbeknown to me they were conducting an investigation.

After all these years as an active member of the ANC, I was exposed, and as a result I approached the relevant government departments and sought political asylum.  Meanwhile, after completing five years in Lesotho, I had already submitted forms for Lesotho citizenship.  When I asked for asylum, I did not revoke the outstanding application for citizenship.

Four months after the Pretoria trial, I was called by the Lesotho Intelligence Police and interviewed about my involvement and the forging of Lesotho passports.  I denied these allegations.  I was not told the source of their information, however, it was quite obvious that these were from the South African police.

In March 1978 I left Lesotho illegally conspiratorially and flew by chartered aircraft to Swaziland because at that time, no official planes were available to SD – Maputo.  The assistance of the craft was organized by another close sympathizer and a friend who is a pilot in Lesotho.  I was met at the airport in SD by Stan Mabizela.  From SD I proceeded to Maputo, Angola and then to GDR.

I returned from abroad  at the end of 1978 and proceeded to Lesotho using  a Swaziland passport which I destroyed on arrival in Maseru.

…………… on an ANC scholarship to study a course in Electronics.  My house was extremely searched and nothing incriminating was found in my possession.

When I left HQ Lusaka, I was given fresh instructions that the two machineries that one led by Chris/Lehlohonolo, Mbali and myself had to be merged as one.  This unfortunately could not work very successfully since there were conflicts which were seeting between the three comrades and I was placed in a serious predicament as I had to act a role, as a stabilising factor.  Mbali as I had elaborated during our meeting yesterday, was regarded as an enemy agent since his kidnapping case by the South African bandits.

An unfortunate incident took place where Mbali shot with a Baretta pistol one of Chris/ Lehlohonolo's recruit after a heated argument following a new year's eve party at Chris' place. (a) To welcome me back and (b) pledged for mutual cooperation with the machinery to be augmented.  When the argument took place, I had already left with my wife for our home.  It was only the following morning when I learned about this fatal shooting of another comrade and that Mbali had already handed himself to the Lesotho police.  Comrade Charles miraculously survived despite the whole magazine being emptied into his body.  He was treated at the Queen 11 Hospital and later transferred abroad for extensive operations.  This was an embarrassing issue indeed.

Meanwhile, the Lesotho Security arrested me and detained me for one month under the suspicion that perhaps it was me who brought the pistol from abroad, but Mbali verified that it was his personal weapon.  This cleared me of suspicion.  I was subjected under intense interrogation and assaulted because they did not believe that I was in school but went for other subversive activities and I still denied categorically.

Tension had mounted very high between the ANC (Maseru) and the Security and it was after my release that we (ANC Maseru) called a meeting to look into the situation.

I suggested to the comrades that dialogue with the Lesotho government was imperative, contrary to the vehemence which was echoed by Chris and Lehlohonolo who felt that the Lesotho present government was an illegitimate one.  That they had lost elections in 1970 and over and above that they cannot work with a feudal regime.  They held the aspirations …………………  was presented to you.

Meanwhile, the Lesotho government did not want to take punitive action against Mbali for they reasoned that the matter had to be dealt with by the ANC.  This was indeed a respect given to us.  Therefore Mbali had to be assisted financially to proceed to HQ where he was answerable to RC so that this case be resolved in an amicable manner.  Chris and Lehlohonolo who were responsible for the finance matters of Maseru  ANC machinery were not cooperative to render Mbali this assistance.  However, Cde Nzo (SG) came to Lesotho and held discussions with Mbali and what transpired between their talks, we or rather I was not let into the details.

A serious propaganda against Mbali by Chris and Lehlohonolo had reached not only to the junior cadres but even the local inhabitants – hence Mbali's case was never resolved but was now completely isolated from the activities of the ANC in the region.

After consistent debate about improving our relations with the Lesotho government, Chris finally gave in that dialogue had to be tried out but that he was not going to be a party to it as he believed that the Lesotho government did not like him.  He gave me the mandate to start the shuttle.

Chris is married to Mosotho woman whose family backround is BCP and by virtue of these family relations held sympathy for the BCP.  Lehlohonolo Moloi who is a Lesotho national was before he joined the ANC, also a member of the BCP.

Another member of the ANC, Robert Matji, who has since been given citizenship in Lesotho, joined the BCP and also stood for elections during the 1970 as a delegate.

This was a gross miscalculation for members of the ANC to indulge themselves in the internal conflicts of Lesotho.

When I opted for diplomatic (dialogue) with the Lesotho government, my contention was that irrespective as to what transpired in Lesotho during the 1970 election which were declared nul and void, the Lesotho government led by the BNP (Basotho National Party) was still a legitimate government which still enjoyed recognition from both the OAU and the UN and as a member of the non-aligned organization, therefore, we as a liberation movement, despite our analysis, we should not be seen to be instrumental to the …… a Policy of dealing with the government of the day.

The mandate was authorized and to our surprise we made tremendous positive strikes.  Communication was therefore established.  This initiative was carried out by Comrade Mzimkulu Gwentsha and myself.  We reported on a daily basis to the comrades in charge about the progress.  The relationships embedded themselves not only in the grass-roots but further developed to top government level as extensively discussed during our meeting yesterday.

On my return from Europe, one of my functions was to establish, amongst other duties, viable laboratory tested equipment to be used inside the country.  This meant that finance had to be provided to set up a decent workshop to check all gadgets – electronic, mechanical and other equipment for the operators in the combat situation.  This was envisaged because of high loss of life due to either carelessness or fiddled equipment used by operatives.  When the assistance was not forthcoming from Chris and Lehlohonolo, I decided that in the name of the revolution and as a revolutionary, I will have to create through hard earned work to facilitate the setting up of such a workshop with the allowances received from my work based on my engineering capabilities.  I funded and made a project a viable one.  I bought all relevant materials required, tools, equipment, meters, carpentry materials, etc.  Not a single cent was provided by the ANC (Maseru).  But when the facilities were available they were now being fully utilized by the machinery.  I did not regard it as an exploitation but had to do it for the millions of oppressed in SA.  This did not blind me to the fact that money allocated to the region by donor agencies were misused for personal reasons and no accountabilities were reported to a collective, by Chris and Lehlohonolo.

In mid-1981, a raid by the Lesotho Police on ANC residence was conducted following a visit of Pik Botha (the racist Minister of Foreign Affairs under the auspices of a hydro-electric scheme to be set up at Oxbow).  His main purpose was the ANC.

The search revealed among other things ANC communist literature and pamphlets and this led to a number of arrests.  My brother (Leseja) was among those picked up since warned by other progressive forces in Lesotho government that a red alert was sent to all the units of the ANC (Maseru).

The case involving my brother was very sensitive and I sought all assistance from progressive elements (as noted to your officers).  He was released the same day from the CID.  But a week later he was picked up this time by the Intelligence Branch on an extensive interrogation (a) about the passport and (b) about the LPF top personnel officers who released him from the CID.

Historically there has always been a battle of initiatives between various departments of the Lesotho forces.  Therefore departments investigated each other.

I had to step in to intervene in order to avoid an embarrassment, and told them that I was the one who used the said passport which belonged to Jeff Letsie (ANC sympathizer) and who is on an ANC scholarship in the Soviet Union.  Joseph (Leseja) Krappies Sexwale was not declared as a refugee and if there was no assistance to him the Police would have no choice but to extradict him to SA where he is wanted  for ANC activities.  After a plea, the presiding officers understood and took my word of honour.  Also reminded me that at one time when I was asked I denied any knowledge of the forging of their documents.  I bowed my head and apologized.

Two weeks later, Joseph was released and was told that he must remain in my custody so that when he is required he should be available.

An unfortunate encounter took place when I was overruled by Chris and Lehlohonolo that Krappies is going inside the country just a week after his release from detention.  They were fully conscious of what had transpired and wanted to take a chance since he was an excellent operator.  I voiced my objection but all in vain.  That was the last that I ever saw my brother.  He died in action in South Africa.  The Lesotho Security had to know about it finally as when he was required to report at the Station, he was not available and I was unfortunately pointed at with a finger for having violated an agreement.  Over and above that Lesotho has made it categorically clear that its country should not be used as a springboard to launch attacks on SA.  Particularly that they are a land-locked country.  I did not try to justify myself that I was not a party to this going but shelved, and took Chris and Lehlohonolo's blame.

This was yet another blow to my parents and the whole family at large.  I was in deep pain.  I was again motivated by the moral of my father despite this grief.  It was again my father when all the existing children had assembled in Maseru who in his address said and I quote: "No war can be fought without casualties".  The man who is responsible for Maseru ANC – Chris was not decent enough to inform my parents even when my father took the pains to come to Maseru so that methods should be discussed as to how the bodies of the deceased had to be returned to their next of kin.  Chris would dodge around and not come up with any concrete suggestions.  My father, in the absence of any aid forthcoming from the organization, left Maseru a very disappointed man.

We had to deal with the matter from a family point of view.  (a) My father in consultation with the other parents, formed a committee and through legal aid in the country confronted the racist Commissioner of Police to return the bodies so that decent burials should be conducted.  The correspondence that transpired between the Advocate (Raymond Tucker) and the Commissioner of Police is available in my briefcase in Maputo.  However, there was a breakdown in the negotiations when in his last letter, the Commissioner became arrogant that it is undoubted that Tucker's client is in touch with the 'terrorists'.  On behalf of my family I sought the International Red Cross to assist.

Following the formation of the liaising committee with the government (which we discussed at length) Chris wanted to test the validity of this committee.  As I was nominated by our delegation which comprised of 5 people whose names were given, I went and approached the Executive Secretary General Desmond Sixishe (now Minister of Information and Broadcasting) for the assistance of a travel document which people like Chris and myself, were refused such documents.  To all our surprise, I was issued promptly with the UN traveling document.

The issuing of my passport, did not go through the normal bureaucratic channels.  It was issued through an order from the Prime Minister's Office, and most unfortunately departments concerned had to process it despite undertones.  The Commissioner for Refugees with whom we had developed a personal relationship did, however, remark about it.

The Saturday of the same week I flew to Maputo where I met the President Comrade Tambo and held elaborate discussions concerning developments in my area of work.  We exchanged views and as he is a very experienced and responsible man, and I hold high respect for him, he hailed the achievements gained by the region and further advised in detail how to function in a tripartite state.  Amongst other matters reached with the liaison committee we agreed to strengthen our bilateral relations in many areas of development of Lesotho e.g. provide them with skilled manpower – doctors, engineers, agricultural experts, etc.  The priority at that time was on doctors which were urgently required.  Above all, the party was willing to provide a site to establish an educational institute on a joint venture to accommodate not only refugees but local inhabitants.  The President embraced these and was willing and that financial assistance will be sorted out to facililtate such an institute.  I went back to Maseru and briefed the comrades concerned.

Meanwhile relations with the liaison committee developed.  When it was fully established, Chris felt that the other three members of the committee namely (a) Mjira, (b) Mabandla and (c) Ndlovu, had to be excluded from the liaison committee.  Reasons: that they do not have much experience and above all are not trained, i.e. militarily.  I requested him to inform them about their withdrawal from the committee.  This unfortunately he did not comply with.

This state of affairs raised eyebrows to the abovementioned comrades and they asked me to render them with an explanation.

I referred them to Chris who was not accessible to give them an explanation.  As a result of these developments, conflicts in the region remained almost perpetual and since there was no forum for them to raise their protest, the matter was left to rot.  The discrepancies caused by the leading two men were causing a disunity in the region.

…………  most comrades in the region.  Where comrades grouped themselves in a Lehlohonolo's faction and a Chris faction.  Very disturbing.  These conflicts were even registered inside the country where people would only take directives from one they supported, ignore or jeopardized the other.

With consistency, we finally managed to reunite the two comrades.

One factor which could not be normalized was the financial one.  Records, if there were any, were kept clandestine.  Comrades who were not trained, were not receiving subsistence allowances except the R40 (forty rands) issued by the Government (UNHCR) so the rest had to fend for themselves.  Money was received from CIDA for the refugees but some people never received any assistance.  I had long given up the battle against the financial mishandlement and I was fending for myself and my family.

Following the death of my brother and his compatriots, we urged that training of personnel from inside the country should be revived.  The Lesotho government was beginning to worry about our activities.  That people declared as refugees in Lesotho were invariably caught by the Lesotho Police with arms en route to South Africa.  Because of the standing relations, they were not subjected to trials under the Arms and Ammunitions Act, so as not to embarrass the ANC.   There were exceptions of course of cadres who after operations from other regions would be tried by the courts of law.  Minimum fines would be charged, and they were assisted to leave Lesotho to Maputo.  This was done to show the SA government of the non-involvement or assistance to the ANC.

The progressives fought tooth and nail to defend the right of refugees despite the fact that South Africa believed that insurgency is conducted from Lesotho.  The Boers insisted on a number of occasions that Chris should either be handed back to South Africa or leave Lesotho.

Lesotho was quite firm not to bow to this pressure.  At the same time there were elements who, if in authoritative positions, would have carried out the orders from Pretoria.

The Lesotho Liberation Army, (LLA) the military wing of the now exiled BCP, was now conducting military operations against the country.  Its leader Ntsu Mokhehle in leaflets distributed one morning, urged the BCP supporters in Lesotho not to give ANC that it is training the LPF (Lesotho Paramilitary Force).  This was, of course, malicious propaganda.

The LLA did not only end with leaflets but also carried out an operation on Comrade Themba Banzi's house (ANC) and destroyed it with mortar and automatic fire.  He fortunately survived together with his family.

Chris Hani's life has been consistently threatened by the SA Defence Force.

One morning in early 1982 I received a call from the Foreign Minister's office that I should report at once.  The Minister, CD Molapo (he has now resigned from the government) told me that he would like to meet the President on urgent and pressing matters and that he should come to Maseru.  I told the Minister that it may not be feasible for the President to come.  That the ANC in Maseru will convey his message to HQ.  He insisted that he does not even want to talk to Chris.  However, we conveyed a message to HQ and Comrade Nkadimeng, a senior member in the NEC came to Maseru.  The Minister, on our arrival, dismissed me together with his director for political affairs, Mr Mathaba, that it is top secret.

However, we learned with dismay that the Cabinet had reached a decision that Chris must leave the country.  Cde Nkadimeng could not take this decision but forwarded the matter to HQ.

I held discussions with Chris so that we see the Secretary General of the BNP who is chairperson of the Liaison Committee.  Chris refused as he was in fact disgusted.  I saw the Minister (SG) and I discovered that it was a blatant lie created by this Minister.  SG verified the matter with the Prime Minister as a result, Chris was told to stay in Lesotho.  Meanwhile HQ had already responded that Chris will be withdrawn.  The Minister Molapo was asked by the Prime Minister to rectify and apologise to ANC HQ. Therefore Chris continued to stay.

Meanwhile, I received information from HQ after the visit of Lehlohonolo Moloi that:

(1). I am not doing my work in the organization but am working for the Lesotho Government.

(2). That vehicles obtained from cell units inside the country (SA) which I created with his instructions, were not benefiting the organization but myself.

Having learned this, I told Chris to call a meeting in which to resolve this issue.  At the meeting, where I confronted ……………. as allegations and I forgot about it.  Most of the liberated cars used by the ANC in Lesotho and inside the country was of the efforts I had created.

For some reason or another, which I cannot put my finger on, Lehlohonolo, has shown in many ways that he does not like me, what ever I did to him, only the devil knows.

Chris was aware of these factors and I have reasons to believe that he shared the same objectives with Lehlohonolo.  Because while he on the surface treating me like a comrade behind my back he said malicious things about me: that I am nothing but a lumpen proletariat (thug).  It surfaced from the Minister (SG BNP) that Chris has been telling him that I was not responsible, that he should stop liaising with me.  I was shocked to learn about this filth because he Chris, when I was going through thick and thin to stabilize our relations and projected him to the government's top offices as my leader, while he was pessimistic about the diplomatic efforts, is the same man who today enjoys the respect of the government because of my sacrifice, and now stabs me in the back!!  I was indeed horrified!  What shocked me more than anything else was the idea of my being discussed with the outsiders.  I was never at any point in time, refused him access to criticize me if I have done wrong.  Meanwhile, I have always if need be criticized him in person and not gossiped about him.

But I held myself upright despite my character being assassinated.  And continued with the struggle.  During peacetime, Chris asked me to start a business using my profession so that the organization in Lesotho can meet the demands of the area.

Like a fool I have always been, I agreed.  The new shopping centre was to be opened in Maseru under the LNDC (Lesotho National Development Cooperation) and shops were on let.  He assured me that the initial capital to establish the company will be provided for from funds of the organization.  This was a good move because it could also give occupation to some of our cadres in Lesotho.  At the same time we had to examine the dialectics of such a venture.

(a). that is should not be seen as a sole operation of the ANC, and

(b). that it will be under a good cover if we involve other people in Maseru.  My legend in Lesotho was well established as an electronics man.

We agreed on these propositions and I plunged myself to its organization.

All documents, correspondence between myself and the LNDC, Chris was always given a copy so that he monitor the progress report.  I accepted into the company three (3) people in the formation of this company and Chris had no reservation at that time about them.

Memorandums and all legal documents, concerning the company were finally completed, Radio and Watch Centre, was born.

An initial capital of R5,000 (five thousand rand) was requested from each director (shareholders).

At this eleventh hour, Chris was somersaulting.  That since people have been complaining about him at HQ regarding funds he would therefore not like to incriminate himself any longer.  That I should apply to Cde Nkobi and request the money.

(1). I have never had any dealings nor any contact with the Treasurer General.

(2). That correspondence to TG about the matter contravenes Security and that he had to do it in person,

(3). That it took almost three months to launch this project, therefore

(4). He should have warned me in time to stop to avoid any embarrassment – particularly that I had already involved other people as an initiator.

I was left baffled!  I stalled the other directors and gave some excuse so as to buy time.  At this juncture, I approached some of our (ANC) prominent members to seek assistance.  Both Cde Sello Khalake and Cde Robert Matjie were unable to help.  As a last resort, I tried my father who had just gone on pension.  I was fortunate and he gave me the stipulated amount.

I still continued to inform Chris about the above mentioned data, so that now that my capital was available, we can have a breathing space and that he should inform the TG about the established project so that the R5 000 should be returned to my father.  At any rate, nothing ever came out of all these initiatives and suggestions.

The project was a tremendous success and its reputation caught on like fire.  When we examined the records after three months ……..  ANC both in HQ (Lusaka) and Maputo, ordered a number of goods from this shop in terms of radios, TVs and telecommunication equipment, etc.  At one time when one of the leaders Cde Masondo (who has now passed away (died) recently) came to Maseru on a shopping spree, we held discussions about the project and he promised to raise the matter at HQ because he felt that his department (Logistics) should take over the project.

The project was envied by many a cadre (ANC) of course, who only thought it was a private affair while others took negative attitude towards me, as aspiring to become a capitalist.  I had no choice but to swallow the irony.

Meanwhile vicious campaign was launched against me.  This was again spearheaded by Lehlohonolo.  He was discrediting me with members of the police, some of them who believed him also adopted an attitude.  By the way, Lehlohonolo who is a Lesotho citizen by birth and naturally he knew a lot of people in Lesotho including the Police Force.

When he was arrested in the Quthing district, with an unlicensed fire arm, I did not sit back but fought for his release and personally drove him back to Maseru.  I was perhaps trying to show him that I do not hold any grudge against him despite the fact that he was continually not honest.

Chris was recalled by the ANC HQ and withdrawn from Lesotho and we had no choice but to work with Lehlohonolo.  As he was a dictator and a bully I could not get along well with him.

In August 1982, I visited Maputo for consultation with the Secretary General Cde A Nzo. I had in my possession documents from the advocate, who represented my father about my brother's death.

Maputo office could not assist me to proceed to HQ, Lehlohonolo and Chris were also in Maputo and since they had influence on the then Chief Rep. The trip to HQ was a failure.

Fortunately the President arrived in Maputo during my stay.  I again approached Lennox (Chief Ref) to make me an appointment with him.  This also failed as it was impeded by Chris and Lehlohonolo.  We had a …………..

I had no alternative but to write to the President now as I was fully aware of the 'Mafia' tactics used by some comrades, I hd to make copies to various top comrades that perhaps in this way the President will get to know about it.  The following people were given copies:

(a). Chief Ref. Of the area (Maputo)

(b). Treasurer of the Region, also member of NEC

(c). Zuma

(d). Secretary for RC

(e). Willie Williams Regional Security

(f). Chris Hani, and

(g). Lehlohonolo Moloi

The letter to our President was handed to Zuma for delivery as I had some trust on him, unbeknown to me that he was a collaborator.  I doubt if the President ever received his letter as there was no response.

I went back to Maseru and in September 1982, Cde Nkadimeng and Cde A Nzo (SG) came to Maseru on an official visit. I was promised by them that a ticket will be sent so that we could discuss matters in a clear perspective at HQ.  I waited and no ticket ever reached me.

On December 9th, a massacre on ANC was conducted by the Pretoria butchers.

I would like at this juncture, to explain circumstances before this raid in the following paragraphs.

Sometime in August 1982, a comrade by the name of Sherpard was apprehended by our own Security (Maseru) on suspicion of being an enemy agent, because he was missed for a week.  It is alleged that he was in the company of Pototo Mbali.  Pototo is the younger brother of Mbali who was in 1974 kidnapped by Pretoria Police.  Pototo could not be accepted as a member of the organization, this was based on the allegations that his brother Mbali was no longer trusted.  Hence when it was discovered that Sherpard was with Pototo, he was locked up in one house in Maseru.  This act was illegal in accordance to refugee status given to us.

Sherpard escaped from this house somehow and our Security were convinced that he fled to South Africa.    ….. refused on the grounds that the government would want details.  Details of which will reveal his detention at one of the ANC houses.

Meanwhile people including local residents were unceremoniously questioned about the whereabouts of Sherpard.  Pototo's wife was woken up repeatedly at night in search for Pototo and Sherpard.  Some of us warned our Security about the Gestapo methods of operations but were invariably ignored.

Finally, one night, Pototo was found at his house and taken away by our Security for questioning.  The last people to be seen with Pototo according to his wife to the Lesotho Police, were members of the ANC.  Pototo's head was found (beheaded) under a bridge in the Mohaleshoek  district south of Maseru.  His body was found at a different place after a long search by the Lesotho Security Police,   The Lesotho Police were quite convinced that it was an act conducted by ANC members.  A number of people were arrested as a result.

Meanwhile, Sherpard had during this time sought refugee at senior member of the ANC Cde Sello Khalake (advocate).  When Lehlohonolo discovered that Sherpard was at Sello's place, he went there and accused Khalake as a collaborator harbouring enemy agents.

This was a serious allegation, and the matter had to be settled in Maputo where Lehlohonolo had to account for his behaviour.

Sherpard, who realized that he was no longer safe, was once more on the run.  He went to the Lesotho Police for his life because of the news which was already public knowledge that Pototo was late.

The Lesotho Police could only protect him from harrasment from SA, when he left Maseru prison he disappeared.

By then Lehlohonolo had returned from Maputo where I left him.  He instructed Sherpard's brother/cousin that he should leave Lesotho because the Lesotho Police were going to arrest him for the murder of Pototo.

Sherpard's brother after fruitless protest was forced in Maputo.  He received this amount, to travel cross-country to Swaziland and no protection was given to him.  He reached Swaziland and reported to the ANC in that region.

Meanwhile, Sherpard was handed over to the South African Police by a man who used to work at Maseru Bedco, under the pretence that he will drive him to Swaziland.  It is alleged that the driver was working for the South African Security.  I cannot speak with authority about Sherpard's involvement with this man, nor the authenticity about the fact that he was indeed going to SD, nor was he broken down and or handed himself over to the SA Police.

However, it surfaced that he was in a camp in Pretoria where so-called tamed guerillas were kept.  This information was brought back by another ANC who was arrested in South Africa (from Lesotho) and escaped from prison.  He is now in Maputo.  His name is Tshepo.

Sherpard's brother in Swaziland, received a call from Sherpard and he told him where he was (Pretoria) specifically to alert his brother to convey a message to ANC in Maseru that the Boers were going to attack soon.  It is learned that the camp is under the command b a former Zapu comrade who fled to SA during the Zimbabwe turmoil.  He was sympathetic, we are told, to Sherpard thus allowed him to use the telephone when an opportunity arose.

Sherpard's brother speculates that he Sherpard must have received his telephone number from his parents in Cape Town because he did leave the number when he telephoned home from Swaziland.

At any rate the information via Maputo reached us in Maseru and this was supported by the South Africa media in which the South African Police (Chief) issued threatening statements accusing Leaboa Jonathan's government of harbouring ANC (terrorists).

While we were aware of an attack we did not know when and we never suspected that the raid would have been on such a large scale.  We were all caught napping.  The majority of the comrades were not armed during the attack.  So they were ruthlessly murdered.

………..  bullets.  I used it to the best of my knowledge in defence.  Details of the encounter had been given to your official in an interview.

Chris and Lehlohonolo were reluctant to give me the cartridges when I declared the folding butt AK.  An opportunity arose where the 2nd Lt of the LPF (Lesotho) with whom we had a dynamic contact as elaborated in our interview, gave me the cartridges to fill up the two magazines.  There was as explained a very strong relation between the LPF Security and the ANC though myself and Chris.  We exchanged mutually at all times.  It was through these relations that the 1981 attack by South Africa was foiled.  The second in command Mr Moloi, died in mysterious circumstances following a car accident.  He was a vigorous hard working man and his death was not only a loss to the army but also the ANC.

The Captain of LPF (Int) gave me two more people to continue tasks as before.

We weapon which I used for defence during the infamous raid, came from Angola from my younger brother Johnny who is stationed there and with the assistance of the Swaziland machinery (ANC) I collected the weapon in Maputo in December 1981 during the Christmas period, wrapped up as a present.  As mentioned I declared the weapon to Chris and Lehlohonolo who later requested it for use in the country for its portability as a folding unit.  I was given a non-folding AK.

At the time of the attack I was there with my whole family and one child belonging to a comrade.  Their names are as follows:

1.. Buni – wife

2.. Matsobane – daughter 11 yrs

3.. Kananelo – daughter 8 yrs

4.. Mashadi – younger sister in my family

5.. Nomaqubi – comrade's daughter aged 11.  Nomaquabi is now in Somafco following this attack.

The only casualty was Kananelo who was hit by a splinter during the attack.  The Queen 11 hospital in Maseru could not risk the operation as this splinter was in a sensitive nerve area and also close to the bone.  The doctors, however, suggested that ………….. and a successful operation was conducted on Kananelo.

At the time of the attack, Lehlohonolo was in Lusaka to seek money since the region was in serious jeopardy.  Rents and food allowance to cadres was not available.  CIDA was not prepared to give us money because the financial records was in shambles.

He came back after the raid and claimed that TG only gave him enough money for the funeral services.

Meanwhile by the time he came, funeral arrangements were well in progress.  Cde Maroo, an elderly man, worked with me to organize the preparations.  Meetings with the UNHCR and respective government departments, the Prime Minister's Office, Christian Councils and other related bodies to form a burial committee.  We co-opted from the ANC two comrades, namely Thazamile Botha and Phyllis Naidoo.

The arrival of Lehlohonolo was a disaster.  At that critical moment, when we were mourning the death of the befallen comrades, it was indeed disturbing that he behaved like a maniac.  Bullying comrades left, right and centre.  There was no one to stop him.

Lehlohonolo caused a scene at the airport (Maseru) when we were awaiting the arrival of the President.  He dismissed me like a dog and said he was told I'm not required at the airport by the President.  I left however to avoid a confrontation as he was shouting in the presence of the local security.

Again he dismissed me at the BNP offices when the President wanted to meet ANC members for an address before his departure.  As this was a public place, I once more left the area.

I later consulted with Chief Sabata and other elderly comrades and related what had transpired. The Chief promised to notify the President if he meets him.

It was quite obvious from government circles that I was not available to meet the President.  It was Makhele the SG of the Party who called me and enquired about my absence.  I explained to him what happened and he in turn as he was in constant touch with NEC leaders who had accompanied the President called the National Commissar Cde Masondo and discussed with …….  never such an order from the President and he also understood why I was not available.  He promised to raise the matter with Lehlohonolo so that he explains himself.  This never happened as their stay was short lived.

Throughout December, I waited in Maseru for the next directive from HQ but all in vain.

In January, I went to Zimbabwe at the invitation of ZANU comrades whom we had enjoyed a healthy relation in Lesotho during their stay at the National University of Lesotho.  Details were given in full during the interview.  Their names are as follows:  (a) Mike Munyathi and (b) Chris Katsanga.  The comrades hold respective posts in the Department of Security.

I wound up my business in Lesotho, withdrew my shares from the company since other members were now scared that the SADF might come back for me and destroy the shop.  Therefore, not to cause them any inconvenience, I resigned as Managing Director and sold my shares to Hae Phoofolo who is a citizen.

As relations between myself and Lehlohonolo were at its lowest ebb, he could not even buy tickets for my wife and children at the time of their departure, nor any relevant humanitarian assistance particularly that my house was destroyed beyond repair, with all the family belongings burned down to ashes.

Organisations like the Christian councils and other sympathetic individuals gave me moral and material support.

Before going to Maputo I went as stated to Zimbabwe for a week.  Whilst in Zimbabwe, Harare, I looked into the possibilities of making arrangements for my children to study in Zimbabwe as Lesotho was now a boiling pot.  I also paid a visit to the UNHCH with the assistance of the Zanu comrades where I discussed with the commissioner about possibilities of settlement in Zimbabwe.  He gave me the assurance that assistance can be made.  I did not concretize the matter and indicated to him that I will communicate with him after I have consulted with HQ.

At the end of the week, I proceeded to Maputo where to my surprise, I found the children still not attended to medically.  Also no clothing was given to them from solidarity goods at ANC disposal.  The man responsible who is also treasurer of the area was informed but took no steps to alleviate my family.  However, the next day following my arrival, he sent word that we should get clothing for the family.

I contacted the office – Maputo to check on progress report about the medical attention to the child, and he (Chief Rep) told me that an application to the GDR had been made but there has since been no response.  He telephoned the GDR embassy in my presence and it was true that the GDR government has still  not responded.

The first secretary of the Cuban embassy, when he learned of my arrival in Maputo, called me to his house for dinner.  He was surprised that a month has passed no response from GDR.  We are very close friends and he was quite willing to help.  He suggested that I should inform our Maputo office that Cuba would take the children to Havana for treatment and rest.  I declined as I was cautious not to burn my fingers any more, that Maputo was not in my area of work.  This was on Thursday and I had already planned to go to Lusaka for consultations.  On Friday late in the afternoon around 5 p.m. the Maputo office came to obtain details of the children and my wife for preparations were underway that they will leave for GDR on Saturday morning.

On Saturday when my wife and two children left for GDR, I went to Lusaka.  I learned at a later stage from Hector (lst Secretary Cuban Embassy) that application was made for people from Maseru and for a rest to GDR and that no mention was made that among these people some were wounded.

On arrival at HQ, I met cde Nkadimeng who told me that in fact two tickets were sent long ago to Lehlohonolo in Lesotho so that I should report to HQ.  Unfortunately I never did receive any tickets.  He was pleased that I took the initiative because he told me that serious speculations about my escape were debated by members of RC in hush hush tones.  That a meeting with RC would be called immediately also that the NEC working committee would also like to discuss with me.  He was talking to me in his capacity as Secretary of RC and also as a member of NEC.

My younger brother Johnny married Nkadimeng's daughter therefore he is my relative and also that we are from the same tribe.  He also knew my parents quite well.

I stayed in Lusaka for almost a month and a half and no such meetings ever took place.  The only person who came to see me was Peter Boroko he heads the department of Security in Lusaka.  He cam in his personal capacity and told me about these allegations that people were wondering how I escaped and also questioned the sophisticated electronic gadgets at my house.

The strange factor was that invariably all leading members who came to Lesotho, stayed at my house (which I had rented from a PAC friend as discussed in our interview).  And at no stage did anyone ever have any queries about my workshop.  They were free to examine the work done but always showered me with praises for the work I am doing for the revolution.  Unbeknown to me some were not impressed.  Cde Nkadimeng just simply gave up for he also saw that somehow the people who were propagating venom about me were now in complete hiding.  I have never felt so disgusted in my life.

In desperation, I went to the Secretary General's office and asked for a study leave.  He gave his OK without ………… Maputo and await my children's arrival from GDR and discuss with my wife about our future.  I had indicated to him that it is my wish to take my family with me to my country of study, because I deeply felt that leaving them behind under the prevailing circumstances, it will be tantamount to an act of desertion on my family.  Since I could not make final conclusions with the SG, I had to consult with my wife, and report back to the SG.

I left for Maputo and when my family arrived we discussed with my wife and agreed that we should all go if permission allowed.  This was in March and since the children had missed time from school, we felt that they should at least return to school in Maseru.  I accompanied them to Maseru to organize their settlement with our relatives.  As no assistance from the treasurer in Maputo was available, I purchased my own ticket, I stayed in Maseru for one week and returned to Maputo so tht I should give a report to SG and proceed to Tanzania where applications for ANC scholarships are conducted.

Whilst the Chief Rep. in Maputo was aware of prevailing arrangements with the SG, he deliberately gave me a ticket for Tanzania.  But I told him that I have to consult with SG.  He ignored the matter and told me that I could write to SG when I am in D'Salaam.  I had no choice as I was sick and tired of all these manoeuvres and proceeded to Tanzania.

Whilst in Tanzania I wrote to SG with a copy to the following:

(a). Chief Rep.

(b). Cde Mandy

(c). Scholarship Committee Somafco

(d). Cde Makhothi

In the letter I specified our agreements and requested his intervention as the scholarship was only given to myself and was told by Somafco tht families are not catered for, except with a mandate from HQ.

I have never received any response from the SG and doubt very much if he ever received my letter.

However, I continued to work and set up an electronic workshop with Cde Solly Makwakwa who has just completed a course in electronics from GDR.

My passport was expiring on 13th June 1983 and towards the end of May I reminded the Chief Rep to assist me so that I can go and renew it, and also brief my wife.

Stanley Mabizela gave a series of excuses.  That he has to get authority from HQ for issuing of tickets and he promised to send telex to Lusaka.  He never compled, he continued to hoodwink me and I gave up in the end.  Meanwhile I was assisted by comrades in Tanzania and collected money but it was not sufficient to facilitate my travel to Maputo.  Therefore, I suggested to Stanley that it is enough money to let me travel to Lusaka by train, and that he should assist me with clearance that end.

Stanley was at this time preparing to go to Maputo where he was visiting his family based there .  So he asked me to make arrangements with his deputy Cde Silver.  He also took me for a long ride and lied that a telex for my clearance was sent to HQ.  I requested a copy of this telex but no telex was ever made.  It was lost I was told somewhere in the office.

When Stanley came back to Tanzania found me at the same spot.   I had already assembled enough shillings to buy me a ticket to Maputo.  But again Stanley told me that for him to buy a ticket he still has to consult HQ and request permission.  He said Tanzania don't buy a ticket but foreign currency only.  This was a fact.

Our funds in all areas, comes in foreign currency and I pleaded with him but all in vain.  He, however, suggested that I should consult my wife by telephone and see if she cannot send me a PTA.  He even spoke to her on the telephone and advised her how she should go about it.

When I phoned after a few days since Tanzania Air Office at the Kilimanjaro Hotel did not have this PTA.  She was unfortunately finding it difficult to raise the required amount as she was unemployed.

I almost gave up the idea when a friend Cde Seanokeng Phala was going to Maputo and agreed to share her ticket which was a return.  She gave to the office her shillings, so that a ticket should be bought for her.  She is student here in ……….. when we are in Maputo.  Stanley was caught in a trap, and verified with Seanokeng.  Only then, two single tickets were purchased.  Stanley asked me to surrender the Tanzania shillings so that in the event that I fail to raise her return ticket, this money will then be used to purchase her a ticket.  I complied and handed over the money and a letter to Silver, the deputy, with a copy to our treasurer in Dar Cde Connie.

I Maputo, I contacted my wife whom I requested to come as the situation in Lesotho had reached an avalanche breakdown.  So in order not to further complicate the situation there, I decided that Maputo will be an appropriate meeting place.

We organized and finally had enough foreign currency from relatives and friends in Lesotho and Cde Seanokeng was assured of her ticket.  Her fiancé, who is a personal friend, also tried to assist me in obtaining a ticket.  He also tried his department for assistance.  On the Tuesday which Cde Seanokeng was to leave, we (myself and my wife) waited for Gibson and Seanokeng to pick us up to the airport since we were not mobile.

Late in the afternoon, Gibson reported to us that his office (Maputo Int) gave her a ticket at the eleventh hour.  It was indeed a relief and we sent the money collected to our relatives.

I received a copy of the letter which Stanley Mabizela wrote to the Treasurer (Maputo) that the money used for Seanokeng's ticket should be demanded from me.  No office inMaputo ever raised this matter with me.  The letter was, in my opinion, contemptous and challenging to my integrity.  I wrote to Stanley and tried to set the record straight and gave copies to the following:

(a). Treasurer – Maputo

(b). SG and

(c). Willie (in Maputo Security)

My wife left and took the passport with her to be renewed.  The Chief Rep in Lesotho, a new man, was assisting in this matter.  But before he could complete the transaction, he was unfortunately detained by the Lesotho Police and told to leave Lesotho.  So no one was checking with the  ……………… document was obtained and perhaps someone was now exercising his authority.

I contacted my brother Johnny to organize me a travel document and he sent me the South African document under the names of Peter Tebogo Chiloane.

I used this document when my children came to Maputo to travel to Swaziland, where other family members were to assist them financially to return to Lesotho.  The family in SD are my inlaws were Mosima the imprisoned  married.  It was here that I learned from one of my sisters who is employed by the Christian Council that scholarships to sponsor a family were available from the WCC.

I applied to WCC and received a positive response that when I find placement in the institute of my choice, they will sponsor.  I notified my wife about these developments.  Since I had left my clothes in Tanzania and my tools, I decided to come and collect my goods and return to Maputo where I will work with one of the machineries there, whilst making applications to various institutes abroad.

The WCC through the Christian Council in SD, issued me with a ticket to facilitate my trip.

Back in Maputo I consulted with the office to organize me a clearance.  I was told that a telex had been sent.  At any rate I came to Tanzania and found that I was not cleared at immigration and spent almost 4 days at the transit lounge.  The office negotiated and in the finality was freed.  On my first visit to Tanzania, I also slept at the airport due to the inefficiency or deliberate act by Maputo.

I went to somafco using one of the office transport on Saturday the 23rd September and came back on Sunday afternoon.   I stayed in one of our residences in Keko and was in constant touch with the office.

My passport was withheld by the Immigration and the office applied for its release on Tuesday 27th when I was going back to Maputo.

I was picked up by office car and transported to the airport.  Trouble started at the airport when checking in.  Three …………..Immigration officers came to my assistance and told these refugees to leave the airport.  The ANC man who works at the airport continued then with his work.  Meanwhile another refugee had rushed to town and came back with a Tanzania Security Officer who stopped my journey and was subjected to a thorough search.  He told me after he had satisfied himself that he was led to believe that I had stolen from the ANC.  He then asked me to go with these refugees and I declined to avoid any further confrontations with them.  I therefore asked to be in the protection of the Tanzania government.  He brought me to the Police Station where I spent almost a week.

The assistance of the ANC Rep together with Reddy and another man, came and negotiated with the respective authorities and it was decided by the collective that an explanation will be give to me when we got to the office of the ANC.  The spirit was conducive and thus agreed without reservations to go with them.  The conditions were that they will give me an explanation of their behaviour, that it is better for the matter to be discussed in the (family) ANC.

1.. We never went to the office from the Police Station.

2.. I was escorted and told to stay with the refugees who were involved with the scandalous behaviour at the airport, and

3.. that Reddy changed his mind that no discussions will be held here except at HQ.

I pointed all these factors to Reddy who was dumbfounded and had no way out.  Meanwhile some of my language was already carried to the flat upstairs.  I refused with the rest.  Victor Motapanyane (Ass. Rep) was driven away so that he does not witness all these activities.  When Reddy saw that he had no way out, he left me there under the pretence that he is going to check other residences for accommodation for the night.  He came back about  6 p.m. and said accommodation was organized.  So we drove away.  I was flanked at the back of the car by two people.  Reddy and Iscor were in front.  We drove around in circles and finally joined the Morogoro road.  We rode for another two to three kilometers when I asked Reddy where they were taking me to, he finally came out and said to Morogoro.  I told Iscor to stop the car but as he continued to drive, I held on to the steering wheel and forced him to stop  ………… between the two front seats, pulled the handbrake and the car stalled to a stand still.  I told Iscor to take a 'U' turn and drive back to the Police Station.  I remained for the rest of the journey in the front seat.

Comrades, at this juncture, I am convinced that some members of the ANC would wish me dead.  Perhaps they would like to do the Boers a favour, who failed unceremoniously to eliminate me on December the 9th.  Therefore, I am not going to be led willingly to the guillotine.

I have my duties as a revolutionary to fight tirelessly for the masses in South Africa.  And the vehicle which I thought will transport me and the many other dedicated revolutionaries, is unfortunately been driven by vandals who would like to put a smear to the organization of our forefathers.

It is unfortunate that I have taken the decision, not based on emotions but on revolutionary principles to resign from the African National Congress active participation and remain a silent partner, and hope that time and history will expose these elements of reaction.  As the Commander in Chief of the Peoples Democratic Republic of Cuba, Comrade Fidel Castro once said and I quote "History will absolve me".

My consciousness as far as the principles of the ANC are clear and I have endorsed my signature.

The President of the ANC OR Tambo, once said and I quote "Whilst the enemy is constantly on the move to destroy the ANC, there is therefore no need for us to do it for him".

During my stay in Maputo recently, the President came to Maputo and I was again denied the right to meet him by our Security led by Willie.  I wrote to Cde O.R another letter and a copy to the Secretary General in which I indicated the desire to meet with him.  Copies of this letter are in my briefcase in Maputo.

Another matter I would like to clarify is that I was never asked by the Lesotho Government to leave Lesotho but held direct and personal discussions (following the ……………………..

We exchanged in detail, and in the conclusions, he said I should not go away forever.  The same courtesy call was made to the Minister of Rural Development and also Secretary General of the BNP, the Hon VN Makhele.

I am still willing to pursue extensive study in Electronics and do research in this challenging scientific field in preparation for the final, vicious stages of the South African Revolution.

Above all, I wish for the comfort and reunion of my family (wife and children) who have always been an inspiring  factor which has continued to give me the will to live!



P.S. a letter of resignation to the ANC will be written soon.

This resource is hosted by the Nelson Mandela Foundation, but was compiled and authored by Padraig O’Malley. Return to theThis resource is hosted by the site.